The NorthWest Independencer
Heart of the Old NorthWest, Voice of the New
21 April 2001 Edition
SASKATCHEWAN: THE STRATEGIC ESTIMATE 2001
Part 4 Courses Open
RECAP OF MAJOR FACTORS AND DEDUCTIONS
A reconsideration of preceding parts, leads to a recap of the major facts, factors and deductions pertaining to the strategic situation for Saskatchewan in 2001.
Alberta is the strategic prize of Ottawa. This is clearly recognized by strategic planners on the federal side, and reflected in Ottawa's recently announced plan for "new western prosperity", based on tar sands development, etc. This plan will go a long way to keeping Alberta floating in cash and in line with the federal government, despite the billions extra of Alberta dollars that will be bled to federal coffers. Alberta's resistance to take this bait, will be interesting to observe in the months and years ahead.
The federal plan does little or nothing for Saskatchewan, Manitoba or BC. This reinforces the central strategic reality that Alberta is key terrain for the federal government; Saskatchewan just a way to get there.
An examination of Statistics Canada figures for 1999 indicates a net capital outflow of six dollars to eastern Canada from the income of Saskatchewan residents, for every net dollar in transfer payments received from the federal government. For example, in 1999, the net transfer of personal wealth to "rich" Ontario from "poor" Saskatchewan amounted to $1,238.81 for each and every resident of Saskatchewan. Saskatchewan, as should be plain for everyone to see, is an incredibly rich province, driven to poverty for lack of faith and confidence that the future comes by choice, not chance, to those who love freedom and seek victory.
The federal government is engaged in an extensive program to reclaim control over the resource base of the West. These resources were lost to the federal government at the outset of the Great Depression when Ottawa realized it would be unable to satisfy western aspirations or provide sufficient transfer payments to sustain the governments of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba. Governments that had been, up to that time, cut off from resources and totally dependent on the federal purse for their existence.
Since then, the federal government has been engaged in a concerted effort to take back what it lost, with the objective to undo the outcome of political and economic circumstances that converged in 1930, forcing Ottawa to relinquish control.
Most or all of the seemingly senseless and destructive national and western policies of the federal government since the Depression, make very good sense when viewed in the context of a strategic campaign to reclaim the western resource base. As more and more resources are wrested from the western provinces under the noses of incompetent or collaborationist provincial governments, the more the benefit of those resources tends to bypass the provincial economy, and the poorer and weaker Saskatchewan becomes. The end point of this process can be extrapolated from the trends. That end is the reversion of Saskatchewan to the status of a federal territory of Canada, if not by constitutional means, then as the de facto outcome of the federal process, declared or undeclared. Either way the practical result will be the same.
Conspicuous signs of the operation of the federal strategy are evident in the
depopulation of rural Saskatchewan under the joint federal/provincial policy of
corporate agrarian collectivization; the transfer of lands to federal control
under various schemes such as aboriginal land claim settlements; the encroaching
jurisdiction of federal government departments in Saskatchewan; and recent
political rumblings about the separation of northern Saskatchewan to form a
federal territory of Canada.
The root cause of Western weakness is the historic negligence of provincial
governments and provincial politicians to develop a strategic capability for
their own province. Most crippling of all is the lack of a strategic analysis
and planning capability at the provincial level.
Additional Factors and Deductions
To the abovementioned summary from previous articles, may be added the following update information outlining the status of the western independence movement in Saskatchewan as of April 2001.
Western Independent Nation (WIN) continues to make steady gains in the Saskatchewan countryside. WIN faces challenges to overcome deficiencies in its planning capability, but continues to capitalize on its political organizing skills. The stated aim of WIN is to seek and promote the secession of Western Canada. This is a tough sell, and can be expected to hit a glass ceiling in popular support at some point not far down the road. When this happens, WIN will have to change its policy to align more closely with mainstream independence thinking in the West, or wait and hope that economic and political circumstances change sufficiently to cause a significant shift in support to WIN.
While their aim seems clear enough, the future prospects for WIN are not helped by the cloudiness of their plans and objectives. The best that can be deduced of WIN is that they do not see themselves as the instrument of western independence, but instead as representatives of a voting block that can be used to leverage other organizations, perhaps the Saskatchewan Party, to adopt the polices of WIN. Alternatively, WIN's plan may be to deliver their supporters to some unspecified political party or organization at an opportune moment.
An alternative to the approach offered by WIN, is to create an independence political party in Saskatchewan, as promoted in the NorthWest Independencer. For one reason or another, significant support for this has not surfaced. This leaves Saskatchewan in a peculiar situation, unlike Alberta and BC, of having no independence party and no apparent public support to proceed in that direction. The curious resistance of WIN to the formation of a provincial independence party may have something to do with this.
COURSES OPEN TO THE WESTERN INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT IN SASKATCHEWAN
Status Quo
The status quo could be described as continued use of the methods currently employed to attract the support of Saskatchewan citizens behind a new independence party. Principally, these consist of the Independencer, personal correspondence and communications, and the occasional public speaking engagement. The immediate objective has been to bring together a sufficient number of individuals willing to contribute their time and talent to independence work, so that a viable and credible organizing committee can be brought together to lay the groundwork for an independence party.
The advantage of the status quo is that the concept for an independence party
is valid, the need obvious, and the consequence of failure grave. By just
hanging in, circumstances might change so that the objective can be met.
The disadvantage of the status quo is that the methods employed so far has been
mostly ineffective to attract the necessary number of core supporters to get
things off the ground. This in itself calls into question if a business-as-usual
approach is worth the further commitment of resources. This disappointing
situation could be the consequence of methodology. Or a reflection of political
reality, if the committed support does not exist. Or how jaded, apathetic,
depressed or disillusioned the Saskatchewan people might have become in the wake
of the Reform/CA collapse. Or, the degree to which WIN has successfully
attracted separatists and others who might have been inclined to work for an
independence party. Whatever the reasons, the outcome is clear and calls for a
change in direction.
Go with WIN
The advantage to go with WIN is that WIN is growing and deserves credit for this. For those with separatist leanings, WIN presents an appealing choice, and remains the only organized opposition to the establishment federalist view.
One disadvantage faced by WIN is that it is based in an outlying area of the province (Preeceville-Yorkton) where it seems hamstrung by poor communications. This may also be a factor in the extent to which WIN seems disconnected from other independence organizations and independence political parties in the West, and from mainstream independence thinking.
A second disadvantage is the degree to which WIN's separatist message limits the potential audience. It is unlikely that WIN offers much appeal to the broader range of potential independence supporters, some of whom want only some greater degree of autonomy from Ottawa.
Unless WIN can modify and clarify what it stands for, and more clearly disclose and substantiate its relationship with the other organizations with which it claims to associate, the perception of WIN as a dark horse is likely to persist in the eyes of many Saskatchewan people.
Lobby An Established Political Party
The advantage to lobby an established political party in the hopes of influencing them to adopt an independence platform, is that this approach would do away with the uncertainty, effort and risk involved in trying to form a new party.
The disadvantage is that this approach has been tried without success. NDP, Saskatchewan Party and Liberal MLAs continue to boycott independence meetings. If the current crop of MLAs are so unable to even discuss independence, how realistic is it to expect that they or their party could seriously represent the interests of independence, and take the pounding they would have to absorb in the ensuing political struggle?
Appeal for New Leadership
The advantage of an appeal for new leadership for the independence movement in Saskatchewan, is that new blood could provide the impetus to break the logjam in getting a provincial independence party off the ground. Leadership is a commodity where the demand consistently outstrips the supply, and new talent is welcome. The instinct of the established political and business leaders in Saskatchewan appears to be to deny the independence movement the support and leadership it needs to establish a credible presence in political and business circles. This situation needs to be recognized and a plan developed to turn it around.
This reluctance on the part of community leaders is understandable. Who wants to lead a movement where so few appear willing or bold enough to step forward and help out? We can all speak to the many failures of leadership, but what of the responsibility of followers? If the supporters of western independence in Saskatchewan expect the movement to attract capable, competent, committed leaders, a convincing demonstration of the level of commitment leaders could expect from followers is an important consideration.
Change of Tack
A change of tack would involve a change in the format and frequency of publication of the Independencer. A change of tack would make use of the existing Independencer mailing list to establish a more personalized one-on-one communication between interested subscribers, that has not until now been possible due to the constraints of time and the demands of publishing. A change of tack would have the advantage to reallocate scarce resources to more productive ventures. A change of tack would allow a shift to web-based publishing to reach a larger audience. A change of tack would focus more directly on activities to form an interim organization to coordinate the formation of a provincial independence party, without the burden of having to maintain a demanding publication schedule.
The disadvantage of a change of tack is that the value of the Independencer as a vehicle to contribute to the western independence movement, could be reduced, suspended or terminated depending on what decisions are made.
Suspend Operations
The advantage to suspend activity directed towards the establishment of a provincial independence party, would be the enormous relief to the staff (first person singular) of the NorthWest Independencer, who has been carrying the brunt of authoring and publishing for the past four months, without much evidence of progress or success in attracting help to build an independence party.
If operations are suspended, the intention would be to resurrect these
efforts in the future when some greater degree of public support for a
Saskatchewan independence party can be brought together.
The disadvantage to this approach would be the disappointment of many fine
people who contributed to various efforts, some significantly. However, if the
critical mass of committed workers willing to contribute some time and effort to
establish an independence party isn't there or can't be found, the associated
political reality becomes a difficult one to overlook.
COURSES OPEN TO SASKATCHEWAN
Status Quo
The advantage to accept Saskatchewan's diminishing place in the Canadian federation as an essentially unalterable fact, is that this approach requires little or no personal effort, imagination or risk on the part of anyone. Public tolerance to the way things are now, offers proof that the status quo is at least marginally acceptable to the majority of Saskatchewan citizens. The status quo offers at least some hope to some people that a change in government from one establishment party to another might lead to some marginal degree of improvement in at least some area of importance to their lives.
Reality, however, indicates the future has something different in store. Reality tells us to anticipate an endless parade of politicians, each claiming to be a much finer fellow than the one before, each offering some new twist on some old theme to turn around the fortunes of Saskatchewan, without anyone having to do anything except vote for the very fine fellow.
This sort of claptrap, stock-in-trade pandering to the unrealistic hopes of an aging and conservative society, will do nothing to stanch the flow of out-migration from Saskatchewan, the short-circuiting of the provincial economy, the destructiveness of rural collectivization, the encroachment of federal jurisdiction in provincial affairs, the growth of federal lands at provincial expense, the impoverishing level of taxation, the criminalization and marginalization of Saskatchewan's population, or the weakness and collusion of the government of Saskatchewan regarding much of the above. Change requires change; change begets change; change without change is no change at all. That is the reality of the status quo and there is no easy way out of it.
Follow the Lead of Alberta and BC
The advantage of keeping tabs on developments in Alberta and BC, and following behind them in the years ahead, is to minimize the chance that Saskatchewan could take a wrong turn if we develop a made-in-Saskatchewan approach. Waiting to see what succeeds or fails in Alberta and BC, reduces the risk.
The disadvantage is that the situation in Saskatchewan is the most desperate. How long can we wait? For Alberta to run out of oil and start hurting? The province of Saskatchewan will be a long time in the ash heap of history before that happens.
A second disadvantage to a wait-and-see approach is that not every solution for Alberta or BC will necessarily work in Saskatchewan. For example, a recent idea proposed in Alberta is to throw up an economic firewall around their house against Ottawa. What is the value of a firewall for a Saskatchewan house already in flames?
A third disadvantage is if Saskatchewan fails to become a major player in western independence circles. If we are absent from the table and rely on Alberta and BC to take the lead and make decisions, Saskatchewan will miss out on our best opportunity to shape the future of western Canada and Saskatchewan's place in it. Choosing second fiddle is no way to get the conductor's attention. Nor should we take for granted a seat in the house if we quit the orchestra.
Adopt a Leading Role in the Western Independence Movement
The driving force behind the idea for Saskatchewan to take a leading role in the western independence movement, is that the need for Saskatchewan to achieve independence before the curtain comes down is more critical than for the other provinces. We need to get there first, and the consequence if we do not is closer at hand.
The advantage for Saskatchewan to adopt a full and active role in the western independence movement is to be present at the independence table as a full and respected member when decisions are made.
The disadvantage of this approach is that becoming a leader is the most difficult course of action to pursue. It takes the most effort, the greatest commitment of resources, and the greatest risk. Do we accept that risk? Or, the certainty of what is happening to us if we do nothing?
CONCLUDING REMARKS
The future of Saskatchewan depends on the future of the western independence movement in Saskatchewan. Based on a review of the current situation, there is reason enough for hope, but no guarantee that the fate of Saskatchewan has not been sealed by the creeping advance of federal colonialism.
Independence is not some trivial thing that central Canada will easily concede. Independence is a prize to be contested, and won or lost. If the people of Saskatchewan choose independence, eventually they will have it. If not, it should be clear to anyone who can read trend lines that Saskatchewan is going to have less and less control over less and less of the province, until not much of anything is left. That end point can be no more averted without changing the underlying trends, than we can avert the burden of federal taxation without altering the underpinnings of Confederation.
The next article presents the conclusion to this five-part series on the Strategic Estimate for Saskatchewan 2001, and will highlight the selected course of action, and a plan.
Since no one in a democratic movement should be expected to lay out such an important plan in isolation, and with scant democratic acceptability, it is intended that the final part of this series should be written with the help of readers of the Independencer, and others who might choose to contribute. The honest, straightforward and constructive participation of readers, in particular the Saskatchewan readership, will be a welcome and indispensable part of this process. Readers will be advised of progress as this project could take some time.
Meanwhile, the Independencer will continue to address other topics and issues
of interest, though without committing to any particular schedule or frequency
of publication as in the past.
Next article - Part 5 The Saskatchewan Plan for Independence
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Message from the Editor
With the reorganization of these affairs, it is difficult to say what will happen next and when. Much depends on the response in the days and weeks ahead, not just from subscribers. No one should feel that they are being pressured to commit to any activity or involvement unless they sincerely and genuinely desire to undertake it. This is a reality check. Seeds have been planted. It's time to check for sprouts.
The decision to get involved with a new political movement is a difficult one. As we struggle to put bread on the family table, and labor to hang on to our slice of the pie, we should also take stock of what happens if no one takes care to mind the pie, if it rises or falls, shrinks or grows, or watches out for thieves at the window. As goes the pie, so goes your slice of it.
The demands to keep up with my normal job, plus writing for the Independencer, plus stepping out to speak, and trying to spark the growth of an independence party, has stretched me in many ways. I am pleased to discover I can do it. However, I have also found that I can't do it all, all of the time, all by myself, forever. I hope this comes as no surprise.
I would like to acknowledge the help and encouragement of David Shea and Josiah Rise, for lifting the load from my shoulders when it was most needed. The articles you provided for publication were greatly appreciated. As to the many people who expressed their heartfelt support and encouragement, I also offer thanks and appreciation.
Let me encourage you that this is not a farewell or an obituary for the idea of an independence party for Saskatchewan; merely a pause to reflect, reconsider and react. Throughout this process, I will still be here, still optimistic, still invigorated, still ready to answer your messages and calls.
It has been a privilege to contribute to the growing body of western independence thought and literature that I see accumulating throughout the West like the high country snow. My hope and my belief, is that the fortunes of the western independence movement in Saskatchewan will take a sharp turn for the better in the weeks and months ahead.
I look forward to receiving your views and advice regarding the choices presented in this edition, and other ideas that you and others might have on how to proceed. In particular, I look forward to receiving the views and advice of the Saskatchewan readership. If we in Saskatchewan can't do this for ourselves, no one else is going to do it for us.
Respectfully,
Jamie Gates
_________________________________________________________________
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The NorthWest Independencer
Heart of the Old NorthWest, Voice of the New
7 April 2001 Edition
Message from the Editor
The number of subscribers to this publication currently stands at
58.
_________________________________________________________________
The following article deals with political factors, and is the
fourth in a series that presents an estimate of the situation
facing the province of Saskatchewan in the year 2001.
Part 3 - Political estimate (continued)
PROVINCIAL FACTORS
Saskatchewan has just witnessed the failure of a poorly organized
media attempt to quash the independence movement before it takes
root. The rebuff of this effort has caused the establishment
provincial parties to adopt a pattern of ignoring the
independence movement, or at least to disengage or distance
themselves from it. As agreeable as this breathing space might
appear to independence supporters, the situation leaves little
room for complacency. Certain events are coming that will unleash
the renewed attention of the opponents of independence.
To prepare for this, it is necessary to understand the extent to
which the political establishment, in particular the NDP
governing party, controls the following factors, which the
independence movement will have to overcome in the drive for
independence.
Public Opinion in Urban Areas
The New Democratic Party continues to maintain its grip on the
major urban centers in Regina and Saskatoon. To shake loose this
support requires an appeal be made to one or more of the core
issues that resonate with urban voters. Independence is not
necessarily one of them.
One way to connect with urban voters is to focus on pocketbook
issues. The economic case in favour of independence can go a long
way to winning over the cities and towns of Saskatchewan.
In addition, the consequence in the event Saskatchewan fails to
pursue a course of independence, provides a second cutting edge
of the pro-independence economic argument. A clear picture of the
social, economic, environmental and political disaster that
awaits Saskatchewan if Alberta and BC secede or go their own way
without us, needs to be graphically portrayed. The image of an
instantly impoverished Saskatchewan salvaging what little it can
from the faltering rump of Canada will go a long way to grab
people's attention, and prime them for the positive message of
independence economics.
The other great need is to drive home the social and economic
connectivity between town and country, and how the health of each
depends implicitly on the other. The majority of residents in the
big cities of Saskatchewan seem oddly detached from the reality
that a city's greatness arises from the productivity of its
hinterland. A major challenge for the western independence
movement is to articulate the connection between the ill health
of the rural Saskatchewan economy and the perennially stunted
growth of Saskatchewan cities.
Meanwhile, the wake of devastation from the rural areas continues
to ripple outwards through the provincial economy. When at last
it hits the cities in full force, introspective urban dwellers
are going to find out too late what all the anguish is about. No
political organization in Saskatchewan is ready or willing to
engage in a public discussion of the issue. Lacking answers on
how to proceed, their reluctance is understandable. Thus it falls
to the independence movement to communicate to urban voters the
self-destructive consequence of urban insularity.
Rural Society and the Rural Economy
The opportunity for the independence movement in the Saskatchewan
countryside was created by the ideological disposition of
successive provincial governments to side with or defer to, the
government in Ottawa and its policy of central planning of the
agricultural sector. There is nothing new in Ottawa's policy that
we have not seen before. The same concept. The same plan. The
same policy. The same disaster. One every bit as nonsensical and
insensitive to market realities as witnessed in the former Soviet
Union. Only the players are different, the agenda this time round
being one of corporate collectivization versus a communistic one.
What nation is following Canada's lead? What nation would be so
foolish, given the predictable outcome?
Rural Canada has had 30 years to evaluate the pertinent facts
concerning the federal policy:
- the senseless economics of the federal policy of corporate
agrarian collectivization.
- the historic predictability of the destructive outcome of
policies of collectivization.
- the single-minded determination of the federal government to
pursue these policies.
- the federal abandonment of agricultural society, with collusion
of the provincial government.
The final judgment reached by rural society is the only
reasonable one left for them to conclude: the implacable
destruction of their communities, their livelihood and their way
of life is not only intentional but politically motivated, for
reasons that have nothing to do with sound agricultural policies
or economics.
The Strategic Context for Canada's Agricultural Policy
In these circumstances, the only way to make sense of Canadian
agricultural policy is to consider it from the broad vantage of
strategic considerations. Over the past 30 years, the
intensifying efforts of the federal government to reclaim control
of the west's resource base can be exemplified by the following
established facts:
- an increasing burden of federal legislation and federally-inspired
provincial legislation that has led to mass criminalization and
marginalization of the western and northern populations, on
account of their beliefs and traditional way of life.
- impoverishing levels of taxation without fair or democratic
representation.
- the abuse of environmental policy to extend federal
jurisdiction over potentially vast tracts of western lands (C 5
Species at Risk Act, forestry co-management agreements).
- the growing intrusion of the federal Department of Fisheries
and Oceans in the Saskatchewan fishery and in Saskatchewan
waters, with collusion from the highest levels in the government
of Saskatchewan.
- the implementation of increasing measures to limit, impede and
harass the majority of Saskatchewan citizens from access to the
natural resources of Saskatchewan, by means of divide-and-conquer
judicial activism and unfair policies of conservation and
resource management, aided and abetted from the highest levels in
the government of Saskatchewan.
- the ongoing transfer of large tracts of Saskatchewan land to
federal jurisdiction via aboriginal land claim settlements.
- the layering of one destructive agricultural policy after
another: ruthless enforcement of colonial policies under the
Wheat Board monopoly; the alarming destruction of foreign markets
by aggressive legal enforcement in Canada of high-tech corporate
farming practices that force farmers to use genetically modified
crops and animals of dubious international marketability;
policies that legally and economically suppress organic farming
practices that would free farmers from corporate and government
control; the catastrophe for agriculture and hunting due to new
non-native diseases in domestic and wild animal populations,
introduced into Saskatchewan despite credible, predictive
warnings of the consequence of government promotion and
authorization of game farming of native wild animal species.
To colonize and control the resources of an area, first you need
to force the citizens of that area to adopt a colonial state of
mind. Or get rid of them. To that end, we see the logical
progression of a multi-pronged federal strategy to:
- drive out the free rural population under a policy of corporate
agrarian collectivization.
- reclaim land and waters to federal jurisdiction by diverse
insidious and incremental means.
- sap the provincial economy by bleeding away the benefit of
resources so acquired.
- re-impose official or de facto territorial status on some or
all of the weakened, dismembered remnants of the once-great
province of Saskatchewan.
It is in this context, and this context only, that the uniquely
destructive approach to agricultural policy pursued by the
government of Canada, alone amongst the developed nations of the
western world, begins to make sense.
Further evidence has been heard in recent rumblings about the
separation of northern Saskatchewan in order to form a new
territory under federal control, an idea that apparently
originates within the federal Liberal caucus.
Once the north and its resources are withdrawn from Saskatchewan,
how easy would it be for the federal government to impose
equivalent terms on the southern remnant? What would be left to
stop them? Not much, when you consider the scenario of a south
Saskatchewan cut off from the north and reduced to near-complete
dependency on the chronically weakened agricultural sector. A
sector dominated by Ottawa, controlled by corporations and
mercilessly exploited by a regime that is going to go on and on
till peals of independence ring loud in all the towns and
villages of Saskatchewan.
While this might appear as a vast conspiracy, no one who has
spent time in the federal bureaucracy could agree to the
competency of the federal government to establish the inter-departmental
cooperation and security that would be necessary to support it,
let alone the competency to conceive and execute a conspiracy of
these dimensions. Instead, the above-mentioned facts should be
interpreted as signposts to the deeply entrenched colonial
attitudes and thinking of the eastern-dominated federal
bureaucracy. To get a bureaucracy pulling in one direction more
or less is what governments try to do, and about all they can
expect to accomplish. The fact that the federal government has
been so successful in developing a broad and coherent program
applicable to the West, reflects the many decades they have had
to develop their program, the lack of effective opposition from
provinces, the strength of the Constitution of Canada to silence
and suppress opposition, and the aforementioned eastern colonial
corporate culture, working tirelessly and malignantly against the
interests and well-being of Saskatchewan.
Frankly speaking, the West would be better off with a conspiracy.
That at least would be amenable to investigation and exposure of
the culprits (though watching Chretien brass his way out of the
Grande-Mere Inn scandal, with no apparent way for Parliament to
hold him accountable, makes one wonder if that is possible).
Whereas the pervasive nature of eastern colonialism presents a
daunting challenge for anyone to expunge. So much so, that no one
working within the confines of Confederation has ever succeeded
to make a dint, and noting that Saskatchewan is worse off in
Confederation now than ever before.
The Aboriginal Wild Card
In its bid for independence, Saskatchewan will have to deal with
whatever policies are adopted and put forward by the various
establishment aboriginal organizations, the FSIN, Metis Nation,
etc. To find a way to cut through the vested interests of the
leadership in these organizations, is going to be a challenge.
Somehow the western independence movement needs to connect with
the ordinary members of aboriginal societies. As an example of
the tough issues that lie ahead, the idea of northern secession
needs to be debated and exposed for what it is: the reversion to
outright colonial status of the major part of Saskatchewan, and a
return to colonial status of the people living there. That is the
sad reality of what is being proposed. A giant leap backward to
1867 and the years that followed. Years that no one in the West
on any side remembers as being exceptionally happy or agreeable
times.
The reality of what is going on, is that northern secession is
being raised as a spoiling tactic by the federal Liberals to take
the wind from the sails of western separatism. In Quebec, this
tactic was successfully employed. However, its use in the west
overlooks a basic fact of western independence that reveals the
federal weakness: the West isn't patterned on Quebec independence
and will not yield to the same tactics. The western tack to
pursue independence within Canada, with a fall back to separation
if forced by punitive federal retaliation, has already paid a
dividend. The argument that if Canada is divisible, a province of
Canada is also divisible, is deprived of wind and sail if we
isolate the federal Liberals and their aboriginal proxies as the
only ones promoting separation.
As a further plus, attempts to raise the issue of secession in
the north cannot help but sensitize northerners to the existence
of related issues, including the mainstream message of western
independence thinking.
The threat of northern secession can and will be contained,
because it is dresses up a horrendous lie as the truth.
Colonialism is not, and has never been, a positive force in the
development of the West. Colonialism has winners and losers, the
losers being those colonized. Northerners will never separate as
a federal territory so long as the independence movement offers
them a square deal. Which we are bound and determined to do.
Crown Lands
Even as Saskatchewan continues to lose control over more and more
Crown lands, the provincial government seems caught in a frenzy
granting more and more resource access to corporate, stakeholder,
and special interest groups. Typically, the general population of
Saskatchewan is left in the cold in these deliberations, in
addition to any stakeholder group too small or inconsequential to
rate official status. Thus we are losing, to special interests,
at the hands of our own government in Regina, our birthright of
access and freedom of mobility on the land. The resulting display
of chronic weakness of the provincial government in defending the
jurisdiction of the people of Saskatchewan over the lands of
Saskatchewan, leaves the government heavily exposed to a
determined challenge by the western independence movement.
It can be deduced that the western independence movement will do
well to stand for protection of mobility and access rights of all
citizens to crown, public and private lands for traditional
purposes, consistent with the traditional mobility values of
western Canadian society, and in balance with the need to protect
private property and the natural environment.
Democratic Institutions
The greatest vulnerability of the government in Regina is the
form of government it represents. Regina is a defective clone of
the system in Ottawa, and we must not forget this. It would be a
mistake to let the proximity of politicians in Regina, that
allows us to get our hands on them from time to time, to obscure
the fact that institutions of government in Saskatchewan need
overhauling just as much or more than equivalent bodies in Ottawa.
It can be concluded that a policy to thoroughly and
democratically reform the institutions of government at the
provincial level, should be reconfirmed as an overarching
objective of the western independence movement.
Intergovernmental Affairs
Every one of the establishment parties in the western provinces,
regardless of partisan stripe, has consistently let down the
people of western Canada in negotiations and dealings with the
federal government. This has been true since the foundation of
Canada, but never more critically so than in these present times
at the turn of the 21st century.
Even when provinces appear to enjoy an advantage of some kind
going into negotiations, all too often the advantage is curiously
squandered or neutralized, the argument lost. What is going on?
Why does this happen?
The root cause problem is systemic, a natural outgrowth of the
Canadian political order.
Under the National Defence Act, only the federal government is
permitted to raise and sustain military or strategic forces. By
this exclusive restriction, the federal government is able to
supply itself with a large pool of formally and highly trained
strategic planners. Many planners gravitate to positions in the
federal civil service on retirement from the military proper.
This exerts a force multiplier effect and amplifies the
phenomenon at no extra training, pension or payroll cost to the
federal government. Consequently, when federal ministers and
bureaucrats appear at conferences, they are well supplied with
strategic briefs on the pertinent and peripheral matters. If they
so desire.
One assumes prime ministers of Canada are at least as well
strategically briefed. Even a prime minister afflicted with a
strategic blind spot would be better off than someone not briefed
at all. For example, the premiers of provinces, whose lack of
preparedness we can infer from the consistent poor results they
achieve.
To see this strategic imbalance played out, consider a typical
federal-provincial conference involving any prime minister and
any assortment of premiers from any actual conference you can
remember. The scenario unfolds as follows.
First, the premiers meet at a preliminary gathering to develop a
unified front. Sometimes including, the prime minister of Quebec.
Then they trundle off to sit with the prime minister of Canada.
The unified front is broken. The premiers, confused and wishing
to look like statesmen not stooges, resort to the only
statesmanlike action they have in their tiny bag of tricks. They
agree with the prime minister, sell out Quebec, make a lousy deal
for their province, and come home crowing how they saved Canada
one more time.
The sickening regularity of these defeatist events has got to end.
Were provinces states, and premiers governors, the outcome would
almost certainly be substantially and strategically different.
How long to realize that provincial politics breed provincial
politicians in the full and truly diminutive sense of the word?
Canadians deserve better than premiers who show up with checkers
to play a prime minister geared for chess.
Provinces face great challenges, though surely one of the most
essential is to develop an effective strategic planning
capability. Such a thing won't come easily or cheaply, nor will
it fall into their laps as it does for the federal government.
One suspects that neither the governments of provinces, nor any
of the establishment provincial parties, understand or want to
understand the enormity of what is at stake over the question of
their own incapacity to undertake strategic planning.
This intentional characteristic of the Canadian political system,
typified by the absence and denial at the provincial level of
strategic resources especially strategic planning resources,
presents an open opportunity to the western independence movement.
By devoting some time and resources to this requirement, by
assuming a strategic stance, defining strategic opportunities and
exploiting those opportunities, we can leave the premiers behind
in the sandbox with marbles while we play tackle football with
the federal government.
Local and Provincial Media
Opposition to independence by the mainstream provincial press in
Saskatchewan has been characteristically unfocussed, ill-informed
and ineffective. Attacks have been a disappointing failure. Media
opposition has centered on motherhood flag-waving exercises mixed
with negative appeals to the imagined benefits of dependency
economics. Alternatives to fix the problems brought to light by
independence writers and speakers, have not been forthcoming.
Media suggestions for reform continue to offer too little too
late, and are devoid of concrete ideas to force the issue and
make it happen. That such plans are not possible within
Confederation as it is currently structured has not occurred to
the mainstream Saskatchewan media. The mainstream press has had
ample time to react with positive alternatives and we are still
waiting. The best guide to future performance is past behaviour.
The longer we wait, the more certain it is the media wait will be
forever. Meanwhile, the media continue to mill about and muddle
through, of no particular value or consequence to either side or
to the people of Saskatchewan.
Reality will eventually dawn forcing the mainstream media to re-evaluate
the way they interact with the phenomenon of western independence.
The longer they delay, the more emboldened small town papers and
radio stations are going to be to adopt a pro-independence stance
that better aligns with their natural inclination. The wider this
schism can be opened, the more isolated and untenable the
mainstream media position will become.
The Controlling Provincial Statutes
A great deal of the poisoned atmosphere in Saskatchewan
concerning the right to freedom of speech can be traced back to
the Saskatchewan Human Rights Act. Perhaps the worst aspect of
the Act is the latitude given to the Human Rights Commission to
break its own law and grant exemptions under the Act. This
loophole presents a classic example of the fascist concept of
law, that places the state, its agents, and favoured clients
above and beyond the law while doing nothing to temper the use of
the law in repressing the general population. It is curious that
a country such as Canada that imagines itself to be a democracy,
would find it necessary to pass such a thing into law. It is
equally strange that a supposed democracy would entrust the
adjudication of matters so fundamental as the right to freedom of
speech, to the questionable qualifications of quasi-judicial
tribunals of the Human Rights Commission, thus ensuring that
access by the accused to the courts and due process of law is
severely, perpetually and unfairly restricted or denied.
Feelings of dissatisfaction and outright revulsion to the
negative impact of The Human Rights Act in our society, is so
widespread in western Canada that the independence movement would
do well to have a careful look at promoting a repeal of the Act,
or major amendments.
The Education System
Since the government controls access to the schools, one of the
best ways to convey the independence message is through students,
who naturally find themselves in a position to spread the word.
The attraction and appeal of independence for youth is natural,
magnetic and instantaneous. Students should be encouraged to join
the western independence movement and participate to the fullest.
What we are doing is for them. It's their future, and
indispensable to the future of us all that they should be
involved and have a say.
Municipal Footholds
Until a province of Canada elects the first independence-minded
government, the independence movement is restricted to the
municipal level in its search for support from established
governments. Where municipal support is forthcoming, the
opportunity should be vigorously followed up in order to utilize
that government as a foundation to build local independence
organizations, such as provincial riding associations.
Next edition: Part 4 Courses Open
_________________________________________________________________
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nwindependencer@home.com Please send the article in the body of
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to undertake any subsequent intermediary role or follow-up action.
The author will receive your comments; in five (5) days the tap
is closed; and then the author is free to resume life in peace
and quiet, to the extent that is possible.
Reader comments on re-published articles submitted by third
parties (i.e. other than the original author), will not be
forwarded to anywhere. Their fate you can assume, so please do
not send comments on re-published articles.
Announcements may be submitted to the Independencer by sending
email to nwindependencer@home.com with Subject: "ANNOUNCEMENT"
(no quotes). The Independencer will attempt to publish all
announcements unedited, as is. Content is expected to be relevant
and supportive of the western independence movement. The
Independencer reserves the right to refuse or remove any
announcement without notice or consultation. THE INDEPENDENCER
ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE ACCURACY OR AUTHENTICITY OF ANY
ANNOUNCEMENT, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED. Readers are responsible to
ensure for themselves the accuracy and authenticity of
announcements. Announcements that fail to provide sufficient
contact information for readers to verify content and obtain
authentication, will not be published.
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in the subject.
_________________________________________________________________
The NorthWest Independencer
Heart of the Old NorthWest, Voice of the New
26 March 2001 Edition
Message from the Editor
The independence movement shows clear signs of strong and
continued growth in the rural areas of Saskatchewan. This has to
be matched sooner or later by gains in the towns and cities if we
are to achieve the political objectives promoted by the
Independencer. Specifically, the objectives to create an
Independence Party in Saskatchewan, and to elect that party to
power in Regina as the vehicle for independence.
Over the past few weeks, it has become increasingly clear the
time is right for the western independence movement to begin a
concerted campaign to target urban areas of Saskatchewan. To this
end, it has been decided to begin the "assault on the cities"
in Saskatoon. Independence supporters in Saskatoon and area who
are willing to devote part of one evening's work once each week
to organizing and forming a communications and coordinating
centre, are encouraged to contact me at saskindependence@home.com
The role of the centre will be to promote and encourage the
formation of an independence party in Saskatchewan, with initial
emphasis on organizing in the Saskatoon area.
If you live in or near Saskatoon, and are prepared to pitch in
with just a modest investment of your time once per week - now is
your chance to make a significant contribution to the future of
the western independence movement. I look forward to hearing from
each of you that are able to respond.
Respectfully,
Jamie Gates
_________________________________________________________________
NIPPING AT HEELS IN NIPAWIN
David Shea
Nipawin, SK (Mar 23/01)- The independence movement in
Saskatchewan seemed to gather steam today as supporters filed
into the local Legion hall to hear two guest speakers share their
visions of a new western state. Nearly 80 people from this small
agricultural town had braved the falling snow and icy conditions
to be a part of what many say could be the future of
Saskatchewan, and perhaps the entire Canadian West.
Invited speakers Jamie Gates, Editor of the NorthWest
Independencer, and David Sawkiw of the Western Independent Nation
(WIN) found a warm reception in a crowd facing economic
difficulties due to devastating grain prices. Unlike previous
western political gatherings of this type, very little time was
spent bemoaning the 'evils of the federal government'. In its
place, was an almost matter-of-fact belief that the time for
convincing Ottawa of the necessity of real institutional reform
has long passed. The speakers, although united in the belief that
independence remains as the only option left to the West, did
differ on exactly how the goals they had in common could be
achieved.
Jamie Gates and those involved in the western independence
movement believe that the creation of a provincial political
party is of primary importance. The Saskatoon-based organization
put forth its belief that the road to western independence must
travel through each of the provincial legislatures. Gates says
this is the only reasonable method because it is the only
practicable avenue available to allow for a smooth transition.
Independence supporters also add that there doesn't exist a means
to elect a regional government, so independence must be achieved
on a province by province basis. They state that there is the
added bonus that if British Columbia, Alberta, Saskatchewan and
Manitoba pursue secession individually, the situation would
create too many fronts for Ottawa to effectively cope with.
Perhaps a high point in Gates' speech was a reaching out to
supporters of all political parties (provincial and federal) to
return to their ridings and begin the process of creating a new
western party. To federal Canadian Alliance members who may be
feeling disheartened by the stonewalling of their reforms, Gates
urged them to "...come home and build the western
independence movement into the great engine of democratic reform
of the 21st century".
Next to speak was Yorkton's David Sawkiw of WIN. A brief
summation of the compelling reasons to separate was followed by
an explanation of their goals. Like Gates, he put forth the idea
that Alberta and B.C. are now heavily leaning toward
independence, and that the percentage of separatists in Alberta
is now higher than that in Quebec. Sawkiw asked "which would
you rather have - Calgary, Edmonton and Vancouver in a foreign
country?... or Ottawa?"
When addressing the subject of how separation could be achieved,
the WIN leader pointed to working with other separatist parties
in other provinces. Details on how this would be done were
sketchy, but he suggested that a convention might be held
sometime in the future involving other western separatist parties.
Vagueness on the issue of which level of government (provincial
or federal) they were going to target was evident, but they
seemed to favor the federal level. At times Sawkiw had
difficulties being specific on issues stating that individual
policies would have to be discussed by all members of his party
and that it was too early for a platform.
Despite the differences between the two speakers as to which
level of government to run candidates, the similarity of purpose
was distinctly clear. Perhaps the most telling characteristic of
this meeting was the lack of hot-headed anger that until recently
was the hallmark of western political movements. It has been
replaced with the sober resignation that independence or outright
secession provide the final remaining options. This change in
tone should set off alarm bells in Ottawa, but will it? It seems,
in Nipawin at least, "The West wants in" is well on its
way to becoming the "The West wants out".
David Shea is a freelance writer and author of an upcoming book
on western separation. He may be contacted at daveshea78@hotmail.com
_________________________________________________________________
Do you have an article, comments or an announcement that you
would like to send to the NorthWest Independencer?
Articles may be forwarded to the Independencer at
nwindependencer@home.com Please send the article in the body of
an email message, as attachments are difficult to process.
Comments on articles may be submitted to the Independencer at
nwindependencer@home.com with Subject: "Re: Article Title"
(no quotes). Comments received later than five (5) days past the
date of publication will be discarded. The Independencer declines
to undertake any subsequent intermediary role or follow-up action.
The author receives comments; in five (5) days the tap is closed;
and then the author is free to resume life in peace and quiet, to
the extent that is possible.
Reader comments on re-published articles submitted by third
parties (i.e. other than the original author), will not be
forwarded to anywhere. Their fate you can assume, so please do
not send comments on re-published articles.
Announcements may be submitted to the Independencer by sending
email to nwindependencer@home.com with Subject: "ANNOUNCEMENT"
(no quotes). The Independencer will attempt to publish all
announcements unedited, as is. Content is expected to be relevant
and supportive of the western independence movement. The
Independencer reserves the right to refuse or remove any
announcement without notice or consultation. THE INDEPENDENCER
ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE ACCURACY OR AUTHENTICITY OF ANY
ANNOUNCEMENT, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED. Readers are responsible to
ensure for themselves the accuracy and authenticity of
announcements. Announcements that fail to provide sufficient
contact information for readers to verify content and obtain
authentication, will not be published.
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_________________________________________________________________
The NorthWest Independencer
Heart of the Old NorthWest, Voice of the New
10 March 2001 Edition
Letter to the Independencer
Dear Western Canadian Thinkers:
Who, in the name of Unity, tore our great country apart at the
seams with Official Bilingualism, Multiculturalism, and the
National Energy Program?
In the name of Justice, used the Charter of Rights and Freedoms
to set our country on a course of injustice giving more rights to
criminals than victims; to narcissistic minorities over those of
majorities?
In the name of Freedom, proclaiming government does not belong in
the
bedrooms of the nation, created a legal system that regularly
propels us into the nation's bedrooms - more frequently than not
those of homosexuals and pedophiles?
In the name of Tolerance, gave Western Canada the "finger"
of intolerance?
In the name of Liberty, invoked martial law?
In the name of "Democracy" created a centrist
dictatorship, modeled after the designs of his heroes Castro and
Mao, shackling us with perhaps the greatest tyranny in the "free
world"?
Who implicitly promoting the edict "freedom from religion"
fettered religious thought from the public square resulting in
perhaps the most amoral society in the western world?
Who abolished the most basic right of all-the right to life
enhancing human dignity from the moment of conception,
relinquishing it to the hedonistic whims of a woman's selfish
choice?
Who, like an "angel of light", flattered, beguiled, and
charmed us with his intellect, style, and charisma?
Who was that "blind" that lead the rest of us into the
ditch of despair and left us with the "Natural Governing
Party" to dig us deeper into this quagmirous hole?
Who was the greatest master of doublespeak this country's ever
known? And we, the millions he duped, have placed his protégé
upon the throne.
I won't even dignify him by mentioning his name, but the past
election succeeded in perpetuating his "Liberal" legacy.
Sincerely,
Josiah Rise
Medstead, SK
_________________________________________________________________
Announcement
A meeting will be held at the Legion Hall in Nipawin on Monday
March 19 at 7:30 P.M. The purpose of the meeting is to inform
interested residents of Saskatchewan about the western
independence movement, and enable them to express their views and
support for independence in true western, democratic fashion. The
meeting is open to the public. Everyone is welcome to attend and
a good representation from across the province is expected. This
meeting is being organized by interested citizens of Nipawin. For
more information, contact Alyce Fyfe at (306) 862-5686 or Carol
Stewart at (306) 768-3577.
_________________________________________________________________
Do you have an article, comments or an announcement that you
would like to send to the NorthWest Independencer?
Articles may be forwarded to the Independencer at
nwindependencer@home.com Please send the article in the body of
an email message, as attachments are difficult to process.
Comments on articles may be submitted to the Independencer at
nwindependencer@home.com with Subject: "Re: Article Title"
(no quotes). Comments received later than five (5) days past the
date of publication will be discarded. The Independencer declines
to undertake any subsequent intermediary role or follow-up action.
The author receives comments; in five (5) days the tap is closed;
and then the author is free to resume life in peace and quiet, to
the extent that is possible.
Reader comments on re-published articles submitted by third
parties (i.e. other than the original author), will not be
forwarded to anywhere. Their fate you can assume, so please do
not send comments on re-published articles.
Announcements may be submitted to the Independencer by sending
email to nwindependencer@home.com with Subject: "ANNOUNCEMENT"
(no quotes). The Independencer will attempt to publish all
announcements unedited, as is. Content is expected to be relevant
and supportive of the western independence movement. The
Independencer reserves the right to refuse or remove any
announcement without notice or consultation. THE INDEPENDENCER
ACCEPTS NO RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE ACCURACY OR AUTHENTICITY OF ANY
ANNOUNCEMENT, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED. Readers are responsible to
ensure for themselves the accuracy and authenticity of
announcements. Announcements that fail to provide sufficient
contact information for readers to verify content and obtain
authentication, will not be published.
To send a message to the Independencer, send e-mail to:
nwindependencer@home.com
To subscribe to the Independencer, send a message to
nwindependencer@home.com with just "Subscribe" (no
quotes) in the subject.
For a complete list of commands, send a message to
nwindependencer@home.com with just "Help" (no quotes)
in the subject.
_________________________________________________________________
The NorthWest Independencer
Heart of the Old NorthWest, Voice of the New
2 March 2001 Edition
Message from the Editor
The number of subscribers to this publication stands at 46. The
Independencer does not advertise. Subscriptions are by word of
mouth only. If you enjoy receiving the Independencer, please
encourage others to subscribe. Readers may also consider the
offer to publish your ideas and views, especially if you have
something to say to the people of Saskatchewan. If you are an
active supporter and have something going in your corner of
Saskatchewan, think of the encouragement it would be for others
if you let them know about it.
_________________________________________________________________
The following article is Part 3 of a series that presents an
estimate of the situation facing the province of Saskatchewan in
the year 2001.
SASKATCHEWAN: THE STRATEGIC ESTIMATE 2001
Part 3 Political Estimate
FEDERAL FACTORS
The advantages enjoyed by federal factions in the contest for the
future of western Canada are considerable, their resources
limitless by comparison. Specifically, the federal government
controls the following factors, all of which the western
independence movement must be prepared to encounter and overcome
in the months and years ahead.
Taxation Powers and Security Resources
In light of today's breaking story on the abusive mail-opening
operations by Canada Revenue and Customs Agency, Canadians are
right to be concerned about the intrusive and complex way the
central power of Canada is attempting to regulate and control the
citizens of Canada. The mail-opening story is only the visible
tip of a large, uncharted iceberg.
The federal government created Canada Revenue and Customs Agency
in 1999 as an armed federal agency charged with regulating
Canada's border trade and internal revenue collection. CRCA joins
a growing list of agencies: CSIS, CSE, CFC, CNA, HRDC and the
RCMP engaged in joint and often overlapping jurisdiction in the
field of domestic intelligence gathering or domestic information
collection on Canadian nationals. (The sleight of hand of CSE to
spy on the communications of Americans and other foreign
nationals, whose countries in turn spy on Canadians to get around
statutory restrictions on domestic surveillance, is acknowledged).
Domestic intelligence gathering is a growth industry in Canada; a
far cry from the days when Canadian citizens defined and
understood this aspect of their relationship with the federal
state in terms of a single agency, the RCMP. Options to create an
even greater number of security agencies are under active
consideration by the federal government as this article is being
written. The prospects for Canada now depend in part on how
successful this US-style multiplicity of federal security
agencies will be to impress western Canadians and keep them
within the federal fold.
Of practical necessity, the need for the western independence
movement to organize in a relatively unrestricted manner, will
have to take precedence over security measures against federal
and foreign intelligence gathering. Truth and integrity have a
unique way of neutralizing the advantages the federal government
might enjoy from having access to information held by these
organizations. The importance of sticking to the truth in public
and private discourse cannot be overemphasized. Not only for its
intrinsic moral worth, but also to compensate for the initial
lack of adequate security.
Surveillance issues aside, the CRCA and the RCMP are the crown
jewels in the federal system. CRCA, because without it the
federal power could not exist. The RCMP, because it is the
ultimate enforcer of tax collection policy. If not directly, then
as protector of the collections bureaucracy. Although, it should
be noted that if the RCMP was removed from the picture, the armed
CRCA would be in a position to provide its own enforcement
support in whole or in part.
In order to change the facts on the ground and wrest taxation
power from the federal government, it is clear that a necessary
pre-condition will be to remove the RCMP from the picture as much
as possible. Terminating the existing RCMP contract for
provincial and municipal policing in Saskatchewan, and replacing
the RCMP with a police force under the control of Saskatchewan,
constitutes a critical policy component for the western
independence movement.
For similar reasons, a provincial tax collection system will have
to be implemented prior to any anticipated collapse or
displacement of the federal tax infrastructure in the west.
Canadians should be concerned about the cross-pollination of
ideas, values, attitudes, methods and powers between the former
Revenue Canada and Canada Customs agencies now combined in one.
We now have customs agents with a vested interest in the
collection of tax revenues and tax information on domestic
nationals. Canadians travelling abroad and communicating
internationally are particularly vulnerable. More disturbing, we
have an internal revenue service with access to the methods,
attitudes and arms of customs agents who are used to operating in
a regulatory environment that gives them broad, arbitrary powers
of search, seizure, detention, investigation and interrogation in
dealing with foreign nationals. Is this the future for Canadian
taxpayers, also? To be treated like foreigners in our own
country? In point of fact, that is the essence of the whole
problem of the West.
In summary, it can be deduced that the move to multiple domestic
armed and intelligence-gathering agencies at the federal level,
and the dangerous blurring of responsibilities between domestic
and foreign service agencies, represent a significant political
vulnerability for the federal government in its attempt to
bolster the central power of Canada. These disturbing
developments should be strongly challenged by the western
independence movement.
The Controlling Federal Statutes
Hard core federal statutes designed to prevent challenges to the
federal system are proliferating about as fast as the agencies
charged to enforce them. Considering the Criminal Code of Canada,
the Canadian Human Rights Act (and its provincial clones) and
Canada's hate laws, the following more recent legislation and
proposed legislation can be added to the tally:
- legislation to permit the confiscation of property without due
process of law (eg. the so-called "firearms" act and
proceeds of "crime" legislation permitting confiscation
of most if not all property without a conviction in the courts).
- legislation to allow the police to legally break the law in a
number of new and significant ways in the commission of their
duties.
- the further diminishment of legal protections that Canadians
formerly enjoyed against unreasonable search and seizure of
property, and against police intrusion in domiciles.
- the effect of anti-gang legislation on the freedom of Canadians
to associate (are we a "gang"?).
The existence of this legislation adds impetus for the province
of Saskatchewan to secure and protect the independence of its
courts and police services from federal influence and control.
Such measures will help immeasurably to spare the Saskatchewan
people the abuse of civil liberties implicit to the federal
legislation. A review of relevant provincial statutes is also
required.
Trade Regulations and Ports of Entry
In concert with the United States, the control by the federal
government of export and import regulations and the ports of
entry to Canada, could be a problem for the western independence
movement. In any contest of wills, border posts could be
contentious as the federal government attempts to restrict trade
at the same time as western provinces (or states) attempt to open
it up.
The problem for the federal government is that, with a 3000 mile
undefended border, and with public support and official state
support for open trade on both sides of the border for most
commodities, the federal government could find itself in an
increasingly weak position to collect duties, apply trade
restrictions or take other actions at the border contrary to the
interests and laws of the independent states (former provinces).
The Indian Act
Unless the western independence movement can demonstrate to
Aboriginal people that they will get a better and more secure
deal under independence, the majority will almost certainly cling
to the federal banner. The quantum improvement needed to bring
about a change of heart is not out of reach. Not if you are aware
of how little many Aboriginals actually have. It is no secret
that the money does not always or equitably filter down to the
bottom of Bands, as a consequence of the undemocratic and often
corrupt system of patronage payments administered by Indian and
Northern Affairs Canada.
Experience informs that it will be a difficult and time-consuming
process to bring about real change. Is the potential benefit to
western independence worth the effort, and the risk?
The idea to proceed for a time without the participation of
Aboriginal people is not necessarily an unworkable one. However,
in the long run, it would be the most problematic. Ultimately,
the question may be decided by factors outside our control, for
example, the response or lack of response from Aboriginal
communities. But neither should a policy of avoidance or non-engagement
be seen as a viable way ahead, since eventually we will have to
deal with them, and they with us.
To offer Aboriginal people a better deal demands the opening of a
dialogue to draw their communities into the independence tent.
The sooner we begin, the better. At first to hear our message, to
listen to their response, and see where we go from there. To
predict more than that at this time would probably be presumptive
and misleading.
Except to say, that the western independence movement is
something that could offer Aboriginal people as to all people,
the opportunity to fundamentally re-define the relationship
between our communities. Here is a chance for them to write their
own treaty, a new treaty called the Constitution of Saskatchewan,
in the context of full and fair representation by all the people
of Saskatchewan.
The Indian Act provides a key element in the federal divide-and-conquer
strategy to control the West. A game at which the federal
government excels. The Act operates by establishing a system of
dependent vassal nation agreements with the various bands. Even
as bands struggle to free themselves from the Act, it is fair to
say that few if any are likely to succeed because of the way the
Act works and has worked since its inception.
Specifically, the Act serves as a template for how the federal
government habitually deals with all the people of the West, not
just Aboriginals. Indians bear the brunt of the Indian Act.
However, the history of the West is replete with colonial
legislation and policies that today are being increasingly used
to deprive the Western people, all the Western people, of our
traditional property, mobility, land access, and land-use rights.
When was the last time an Indian Reserve disappeared? Yet how
many farming towns and villages are gone? Whether we understand
it or not, all of us are in this together for the fight of our
lives.
The Indian Act is of vital concern to everyone in the West and
merits careful scrutiny. If you are not convinced, the following
will be of interest as an example of how all this affects all of
you.
Federal and Crown Lands
The federal government clearly resents the Constitution Act of
1930, in which administrative control over Crown lands and
resources within each province was passed to Alberta,
Saskatchewan and Manitoba. For the past 30 years, the federal
government has engaged in a campaign to re-establish control over
as much of this land as possible, by whatever means possible. A
campaign that shows no sign of abatement.
In this we see the extension of control by the Department of
Fisheries and Oceans over the Saskatchewan fishery, the
Department of Transport over Saskatchewan navigable waters, and
the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs over Crown lands.
Recent proposals for endangered species legislation would also
have the effect of extending federal control by Environment
Canada over yet more lands in Saskatchewan, both private and
public.
The greatest single threat to the continued integrity of
Saskatchewan as a viable economic, social and political unit
comes from the greedy and duplicitous alliance between the
courts, the federal government and the collaborationist
governments of western provinces, to secure the transfer of as
much land as possible to Indian bands under the guise of treaty
land entitlements.
The reason this mechanism is so appealing to the federal
government is that it offers the easiest route to transfer the
largest blocks of land as quickly as possible into their hands.
Hence the never-ending stream of treaty land claims almost
everywhere in Canada.
What the citizens of Saskatchewan might see as an internal land
transfer from the province to an Indian band, in legal terms can
end up being something quite different. Unless otherwise and
expressly agreed, lands ceded by the prairie provinces as treaty
tribute come under the administrative control of the federal
government, not the band. Such transfers are external out of the
province to the federal government. In these circumstances, it's
not the band's land, they just live there.
The control of treaty lands by Aboriginal citizens may in the end
prove to be a grand illusion. If the federal government can find
a way to deprive provinces of the use and benefit of these lands
(and it has), it can certainly find a way to deprive the Indians
(and it will). All of this can be brought about by exploiting a
loophole that the government of Canada inserted in the 1930 Act,
in order to negate the Act over time. Paragraph 10 of Schedule (3)
of the Constitution Act 1930 lays out the following terms
applicable to Saskatchewan:
"...the Province will from time to time, upon the request of
the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, set aside, out of
the unoccupied Crown lands…such further areas as the said
Superintendent General may, in agreement with the appropriate
Minister of the Province, select…and such areas shall
thereafter be administered by Canada in the same way in all
respects as if they had never passed to the Province under the
provision hereof."
Which takes us back to before 1930, if not 1905 or 1867.
The future prospects facing the people of Saskatchewan, including
Treaty Indians, may be as follows. At the appropriate moment when
the land transfer process reaches its apogee, the federal
government will find itself in a strong position to impose
greater and greater restrictions and exclusions on the use of
entitlement lands by Aboriginal people. The dependant vassal
nation relationship alone gives the federal government the
leverage to do it.
In this way, the federal government stands to regain control over
much if not most of the land it lost in 1930, at least for
purposes of resource exploitation and revenue generation. As this
process unfolds, the net result will be the bleeding away of even
more of Saskatchewan's wealth to federal and eastern corporate
coffers, bypassing the provincial economy to an even greater
extent than occurs at present.
It may be deduced that the exclusion of federal government
jurisdiction over any and all lands within the borders of a
province (state), except as mutually and temporarily agreed
between the province (state) and the federal government, must
become an objective of the western independence movement.
Otherwise, Saskatchewan is going to look more and more like Swiss
cheese; hardly the model of Swiss government that so many admire.
Federal Transfer Payments
The federal government's relationship with Indian bands provides
a model for the way the federal government deals to some degree
with all communities in the west. The use of transfer payments to
provinces provides a good example of how they deceive us, in this
case with our own money. We think they are giving us gobs of cash
when in reality, most of it came from our pockets in the first
place and ends up going to the collaborationist provincial
government not the people's pockets. For example, in Saskatchewan
in 1999, the net transfer to the provincial government from the
federal government is estimated at $360.05 per person out of a
total transfer of $1284.97 per person. In other words, 72% of
federal transfer payments to Saskatchewan was from money that
originated from the Saskatchewan tax base in the first place.
The time has come for us to educate the public and demolish the
myth about Saskatchewan's dependence on federal money. The time
has come to show clearly and unequivocally exactly how much more
the citizens of Saskatchewan are losing under Confederation than
we gain in return (six dollars less from your personal income for
every net dollar the province gets back from Ottawa - see Part 2
Economic Estimate).
The Courts
Of all the tenets held dear by the Canadian judiciary, the one
referred to most consistently and passionately is the rule of law.
In any consideration before the courts, the rule of law is
consistently accorded precedence over everything including due
democratic process. This is entirely consistent with the defining
nature of the courts in Canada, which can charitably be described
as universally undemocratic at all levels and fundamentally
unaccountable to the public.
It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that the Canadian
judiciary has been so indoctrinated to the rule of law, that the
concept has become an object of outright reverence and provides
the philosophical cornerstone for the massive legal-industrial
complex that has sprung up in Canada. Consequently, one would be
hard pressed to find a Canadian judge anywhere who would or could
rule in favour of a program of extra-constitutional legislation
passed into law by a provincial or local state government. No
matter how mild or moderate that program might be.
In developing an extra-constitutional program, it will be
contingent on independence governments to take great care that
the democratic process by which an Act is passed into law is held
above reproach at all stages of development. For example, wide
public consultation and dissemination of the complete wording of
legislation, passed by a majority vote of members of a
legislature of a province of Canada, and submitted to the people
in a general provincial election, with the legislation having
force and effect of law the day after the election.
In this way, the rule of law need not lapse or fall between the
cracks in anything we do. Federal law in some aspect or other
would simply be replaced or superceded by local state law. The
courts and the federal government would be left with the choice
to recognize the democratic result or to oppose it. If opposed,
the outcome would be decided by the extent to which the facts on
the ground had been changed prior to the legislation coming into
force. The great business and first duty of independence
governments will be to ensure that, prior to enacting any
particular piece of extra-constitutional legislation, all the
critical and relevant facts and pre-conditions have been changed
beforehand, and in our favour.
Some observers and commentators have taken a position that the
objectives of the western independence movement can be achieved
by working within the system and without extra-constitutional
legislative action. The danger is that they are mistaken and
offer a rehash of illusions from the past. What is constitutional
in fact, and what they consider to be constitutional, are
exceedingly irrelevant in a country where the Supreme Court is
appointed for life without challenge, is accountable to no one,
and has final say on constitutionality regardless of what others
think. Despite all the bafflegab about an interactive dialog
between the Supreme Court and Parliament, such an impractical,
cumbersome and improbable legislative mechanism has never evolved
in Canada. What is constitutional in Canada counts for nothing.
What the Supreme Court says is constitutional, counts for
everything. That is the sad and terminal condition of the
corruption of democracy that we have witnessed in our time under
the Constitution Act, 1982.
Even so, the rule of law in a democratic setting is too important
to be discarded and we should act to uphold it. But not under a
hide-bound constitution as justification to snuff out democratic
reforms. Let us commit therefore, to uphold the rule of law even
as we challenge the misplaced inviolability with which it has
been imbued by the judiciary and governments of Canada. Shorn of
democracy, the rule of law is the robe of tyrants.
The Media
As expected, the national media is not supportive of western
democracy, though in some quarters it exudes some degree of
understanding. In general, the major local press in Saskatchewan
has tried to aggressively squelch out the movement with a volley
of hackneyed cliches and vitriolic attacks. It will be some time
before the provincial press recovers from the embarrassment they
have brought on themselves with the shoddy and sub-standard
journalism we have seen so far.
Small town papers and radio have been more supportive, and
closest in touch with the people. They will be first to grasp the
paradigm shift that has taken place in the west, from which there
is no turning back.
The western independence movement will survive the diatribes and
flourish, if only because the substance of the attacks is so ill
founded, poorly researched and at odds with commonly understood
standards of fairness and decency.
Policy of Foreign Governments
Over the years, the federal government has been so successful at
neutralizing the attempts of Quebec to establish a degree of
international legitimacy, that the situation has become an
embarrassment for the government of Quebec.
For as long as the western independence movement sees itself as
an internal movement within Canada, we can avoid the Quebec
fiasco. Not seeking international recognition as a separate
state, there should be no need to engage in pretentious or
premature exercises in foreign diplomacy.
Of greater importance for Saskatchewan will be the discussion of
bilateral matters with US border states. These states and their
federal representatives can lobby on our behalf to overcome or
forestall attempts by the Canadian government to promote or
provoke the federal US government to interfere with the Western
drive for free and open trade with neighbouring US states.
Federal Control over Election Rules and Opinion in the East and
Northern Territories
The West needs no better example of how effectively the
government of Canada is able to exploit and manipulate the
federal electoral process, than witnessed during the 2000
election campaign, in which the West was again shut out from
effective participation in the governance of Canada for the third
time in a row.
It is truly amazing how such an overpowering tool as the federal
government's insurmountable majority in the regionally
misrepresentative Canadian Parliament, can be so easily
neutralized by the West's abandonment of political efforts at the
federal level in order to free resources and concentrate them at
the provincial level.
The Armed Forces
In a political sense, use of the Armed Forces of Canada against a
popularly and democratically elected government of a province of
Canada is a highly improbable scenario. Except to say, that the
need for the western independence movement to hold fast to due
democratic process in everything we do, is the best guarantee
that such an action could never be credibly justified, seriously
contemplated or mistakenly undertaken.
Next edition: Part 3 Political Estimate, PROVINCIAL FACTORS